Challenges facing the Egyptian revolution

The Egyptian revolution represented a real change in the global political thinking, and a significant change in the standards and technology of revolution in the face of technology repression in the contemporary authoritarian state. However, the Egyptian revolution is invited to give a new creative example in term of responding to the challenges of the revolution.

 

The first and the most important of these challenges is: The good management of political conflict in a way that achieves political stability, efficient management, and distribution of political resources.

 

It has become clear that there is a conflict between a number of forces in the Egyptian political life over a number of crucial issues. There is a conflict between secularists, the Coptic Church, and its supporters on one hand, and the Islamic trends on the other hand concerning the identity of the Egyptian state, and the title of this conflict —until now— is the second article of the Constitution.

 

There are many detailed conflicts inside the different forces; some of them are visible and some are not. There is a struggle for leadership inside several parties: (The Labor, and At-Tagamu`, Nasiri, Al Wafd, the movement of 6 of April, and other well-known examples), as there is a generational struggle within the Muslim Brotherhood group.

 

The raging conflict between the Salafis and Sufis in general over what was known as "shrines".

 

In addition to the conflict between the forces of revolution from one hand and the old powers of the ousted regime's supporters —whom were called as anti-revolution— about the extent of change, and the sustainability of the former regime or some of its policies or symbols.

 

There is also another type of conflict over the social-classes demands, and this kind of conflict is social in nature.

 

Despite the diversity of these conflicts and their causes, their essence is represented in one thing, which is the desire of each party to impose its political, dogmatic, or intellectual vision on other parties without the presence of a clear specific mechanism to determine which visions are more entitled to apply in Egypt right now.

 

This is a very surprising matter because most of the political forces want to inherit the former regime's authoritarian way in other forms and with other methods. These forces ignore that the Egyptian revolution has established very successful mechanisms and tactics to resist and prevent political tyranny, hence any attempt to seize decision making concerning priorities, options of the community, and the Egyptian State will assume a serious failure. However, unless the revolution finds solutions for all problems, it will cause a hindrance to the march of the Egyptian State in all fields, and blockage in the political horizon until it finds solutions for these conflicts in the proper manner.

 

What is the proper method to resolve these conflicts?

The proper method is to use the attributes and methods of 25 Jan. Revolution, and the most prominent of these features and methods are:

• Determination for change .

• Sacrifice .

• Altruism and self-denial.

• National consensus on the minimum wages levels, and postponing the discussion of disputable issues until the end of the change process .

• Moving with a large popular base .

• Using success to strengthen the lines and bringing more success .

 

Those features have caused the success of the Egyptian revolution, and we have to recall the same features not only to resolve the current conflicts, but also to solve all the problems that we are facing: whether they are political, security, social, economic, legislative, intellectual, or cultural .

 

There is no doubt that there are forces trying to impede solutions through these mechanisms because they do not want anything but to provide the tyrannic opportunities for themselves. However, there are forces opposed the revolution in the past openly and clearly and took stances which at least characterized by supporting the former regime but now they want to exploit the post-revolution stage to achieve their authoritarian goals under the slogans of the revolution. However, no doubt that using the features and mechanisms of this revolution will frustrate all the attempts of these powers to impose new colors of tyranny .

In this regard, we must note that we do not need to implement the mechanisms and features of the revolution only; but we also need to call the forces that participated realistically and effectively in motor and political performance of the revolution to play its role in the implementation of this concept to overcome the crises that threaten Egypt by solidity and blockage of the political horizon because this is a national duty integral to its historic role which led to the success of the Egyptian revolution .

Reaching a state of full democracy under the rule of full civilian regime is an important station in the future of the Egyptian revolution, but it is not the last stop because the methods and mechanisms of the revolution must continue to resolve the problems that are facing Egypt and the Egyptians in all fields through the political and social forces which participated in the Egyptian revolution .

 

Hence, we should refer to a number of major problems facing Egypt now and until the achievement of full democracy .

 

The most prominent of these problems is balance, proportion, and matching between the requirements of all Egyptian political forces and the requirements of the international community and the international system; these requirements are necessary in some cases. The Egyptian Revolution of January 25 has succeeded to delay the announcement of its stance toward some international issues, however this method has been accepted internationally because of the revolutionary situation, but it will not be sufficient in the case of a stable state that was built after the revolution .

 

Hence, it is obligatory to deal with the facts and necessities of the international system with tactics that are characterized by balance between realism and the requirements of the political orientation of the multiple forces upon which the Egyptian political system in the post-revolution stage is based .

 

Anyhow, there is another important problem that is connected with all the intellectual and political problems which is the crisis of identity in Egypt. This problem is old and emerged since the beginning of the twentieth century, but has not been solved so far, and it is not expected to be solved soon. It is noted that this problem became more complex and hotly disputed whenever the political situations in Egypt strained and whenever the conflict between the political forces in Egypt intensified .

 

It is a problem of conflict between the old and new, tradition and modernity, and between the identities of Egypt: Pharaonic, Coptic, and the Mediterranean, Arabic, and Islamic .

 

It is our duty in the next phase to create the appropriate atmosphere to create necessary intellectual, cultural, and civilizational developments to resolve this conflict over the Egyptian identity, or at least consolidate appropriate methods for civilized dialogue between all parties on this issue, away from the mutual accusations of betrayal, ignorance, or treason, without intellectual terrorism and without guardianship of any kind. There should be a dialogue based on equal basis without any practice of dictatorship of any kind, and from any direction, and depending only on argument, evidence, and the power of logic .

 

Perhaps some people may ask: What will benefit the Islamists by the construction of a democratic state while they aim primarily at establishing an Islamic state ?

 

Some may respond that it is expected under a democratic state that the Islamists win most of the parliament seats, but in fact, there is something else of high importance and seriousness, which is, history indicates that the state of public liberty is the best case for the Islamic Movement to move for advocacy, cultivation, education, mobilization, recruitment, and public work: political, social, and cultural.